


.0 .^ 



..'^'.v'V 






,^> 
























>> 



•^'. '\yy^%fA 













^ "'•■ 



>o-n^^ 










'.•\o^ 













.'^'' » 






^•^..^^ 













:^ --^0^' ^^^; %v^^ ;^:. %^/ ^'^-'' ^ 









^^' 
























>„ \ ,^^ ♦*^^'- "^^ A?- »',C( 











%-^/..V^-> ^o*-^*/ \.'^-y %-W-\<? Xf^---/ 

°' ^--/ •'^' %/ '^^^"^ \^/ '^^'- %.^'' •^^^^^'^- -^^ ^^ ^^^^^'* ''^ ^^'' ^"'^ 



!'■ **«** •&• *'-^^ •#' *w* • A- ^-^^.Z ••■.^^ %.^>- .••■'•■''•■ x/ •->- 















/ 



57TH Congress, \ HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. (Document 
^d. Session. J \ No. 453. 



96 



MEMORIAL ADDRESS ON THE LIFE AND 
CHARACTER OF WILLIAM McKlNLEY 



HON. JOHN HAY 



Delivered Bc/orc the Two Houses of Congress 
Febncary 2J, igo2 



%a|w 



WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

1903 



> 



\ 




WILLIAM McKINLEY. 



Once more, and for the third time, the 
Congress of the United States are assembled 
to commemorate the life and the death of a 
President slain by the hand of an assassin. 
The attention of the future historian will 
be attracted to the features which reappear 
with startling sameness in all three of these 
awful crimes: the uselessness, the utter lack 
of consequence of the act; the obscurity, 
the insignificance of the criminal; the blame- 
lessness — so far as in our sphere of existence 
the best of men may be held blameless — 
of the victim. Not one of our murdered 
Presidents should have had an enemy in 
the world; they were all of such preeminent 



4 

purity of life that no pretext could l)c given 
for the attack of passional crime; they were 
all men of democratic instincts who could 
never have offended the most jealous advo- 
cates of equality; they were of kindly and 
generous nature, to whom wrong or injus- 
tice was impossible; of moderate fortune, 
whose slender means nobody could envy. 
They were men of austere virtue, of tender 
heart, of eminent abilities, which they had 
devoted with single minds to the good of 
the Republic. If ever men walked before 
God and man without blame, it was these 
three rulers of our people. The only temp- 
tation to attack their lives offered was their 
gentle radiance: to eyes hating the light that 
was offense enough. 

The stupid uselessness of such an infamy 
affronts the common sense of the world. 
One can conceive how the death of a dicta- 
tor may change the political conditions of an 



empire; how the extinction of a narrowing 
line of kings may bring in an alien dynasty. 
But in a well-ordered Republic like ours, the 
ruler may fall, but the state feels no tremor. 
Our beloved and revered leader is gone; but 
the natural process of our laws provides us 
a successor, identical in purpose and ideals, 
nourished by the same teachings, inspired by 
the same principles, pledged by tender affec- 
tion as well as by high loyalty to carry to 
completion the immense task committed to 
his hands, and to smite with iron severity 
every manifestation of that hideous crime 
which his mild predecessor, with his dying 
breath, forgave. The sayings of celestial 
wisdom have no date; the words that reach 
us, over two thousand years, out of the 
darkest hour of gloom the world has ever 
known, are true to the life to-day: "They 
know not what they do." The blow struck 
at our dear friend and ruler was as deadly 



as blind hate could make it; but the blow 
struck at anarchy was deadlier still. 

What a world of insoluble problems such 
an event excites in the mind ! Not merely in 
its personal, but in its public aspects, it pre- 
sents a paradox not to be comprehended. 
Under a system of government so free and 
so impartial that we recognize its existence 
only by its benefactions; under a social order 
so purely democratic that classes can not 
exist in it, affording opportunities so uni- 
versal that even conditions are as changing 
as the winds, where the laborer of to-day is 
the capitalist of to-morrow; under laws which 
are the result of ages of evolution, so uniform 
and so beneficent that the President has just 
the same rights and privileges as the artisan, 
we see the same hellish growth of hatred and 
murder which dogs ecjually the footsteps of 
benevolent monarchs and blood-stained des- 
pots. How many countries can join with us 



7 

in the community of a kindred sorrow! I 
will not speak of those distant regions where 
assassination enters into the daily life of gov- 
ernment. But among the nations bound to 
us by the ties of familiar intercourse — who 
can forget that wise and high-minded auto- 
crat who had earned the proud title of the 
Liberator, that enlightened and magnanimous 
citizen whom France still mourns, that brave 
and chivalrous King of Italy who only lived 
for his people, and, saddest of all, that lovely 
and sorrowing Empress whose harmless life 
could hardly have excited the animosity of 
a demon? yVgainst that devilish spirit noth- 
ing avails — neither virtue, nor patriotism, 
nor age nor youth, nor conscience nor pity. 
We can not even say that education is a 
sufficient safeguard against this baleful evil, 
for most of the wretches whose crimes have 
so shocked humanity in recent years are 
men not unlettered, who have gone from 



8 

the common schools, through murder, to the 

scaffold. 

Our minds can not discern the origin nor 
conceive the extent of wickedness so perverse 
and so cruel; but this does not exempt us 
from the duty of trying to control and 
counteract it. We do not understand what 
electricity is; whence it comes or what its 
hidden properties may be. But we know it 
as a mighty force for good or evil — and so 
with the painful toil of years, men of learn- 
ing and skill have labored to store and 
to subjugate it, to neutralize and even to 
employ its destructive energies. This prob- 
lem of anarchy is dark and intricate, but 
it ought to be within the compass of demo- 
cratic government — although no sane mind 
can fathom the mysteries of these untracked 
and orbitless natures — to guard against their 
aberrations, to take away from them the hope 
of escape, the long luxury of scandalous 



days in court, the unwholesome sympathy of 
hysterical degenerates, and so by degrees to 
make the crime not worth committing, even 
to these abnormal and distorted souls. 

It would be presumptuous for me in this 
presence to suggest the details of remedial 
legislation for a malady so malignant. That 
task may safely be left to the skill and 
patience of the national Congress, which have 
never been found unequal to any such emer- 
gency. The country believes that the mem- 
ory of three murdered comrades of yours, 
all of whose voices still haunt these walls, 
will be a sufficient inspiration to enable you 
to solve even this abstruse and painful prob- 
lem, which has dimmed so many pages of 
history with blood and with tears. 

Before an audience less sympathetic than 
this, I should not dare to speak of that great 
career which we have met to commemorate. 
But we are all his friends, and friends do not 



lO 

criticise each other's words about an open 
grave. I thank you for the honor you have 
done me in inviting me here, and not less for 
the kind forbearance I know I shall have 
from you in my most inadequate efforts to 
speak of him worthily. 

The life of WILLIA^r McKinley was, 
from his birth to his death, typically Amer- 
ican. There is no environment, I should 
f say, anywhere else in the world which could 
produce just such a character. He was 
born into that way of life which elsewhere is 
called the middle class, but which in this 
countiy is so nearly universal as to make of 
other classes an. almost negligible quantity. 
He was neither rich nor poor, neither proud 
nor humble; he knew no hunger he was not 
sure of satisfying, no luxury which could 
enervate mind or body. His parents we^e 
sober. God-fearing people; intelligent and 
upright; without pretensit)n and without 



II 



humility. He grew up in the company of 
boys Hke himself — wholesome, honest, self- 
respecting. They looked down on nobody; 
they never felt it possible they could be 
looked down upon. Their houses were the 
homes of probity, piety, patriotism. They 
learned in the admirable school readers of 
fifty years ago the lessons of heroic and 
splendid life which have come down from 
the past. They read in their weekly news- 
papers the story of the world's progress, in 
which they were eager to take part, and of 
the sins and wrongs of civilization, with 
which they burned to do battle. It was a 
serious and thoughtful time. The boys of 
that day felt dimly, but deeply, that days of 
sharp struggle and high achievement were 
before them. They looked at life with the 
wondering yet resolute eyes of a young 
esquire in his vigil of arms. They felt 
a time was coming when to them should 



12 

be addressed the stern admonition of the 
Apostle: "Quit you like men; be strong." 

It is not easy to give to those of a later 
generation any clear idea of that extraordi- 
nary spiritual awakening which passed over 
the country at the first red signal fires of 
the civil war. It was not our earliest apoc- 
alypse; a hundred years before the Nation 
had been revealed to itself, when after long 
discussion and much searching of heart the 
people of the colonies had resolved that to 
live without liberty was worse than to die, 
and had therefore wagered in the solemn 
game of war "their lives, their fortunes, and 
their sacred honor." In a stress of heat 
and labor unutterable, the country had been 
hammered and welded together; but there- 
after for nearly a centur>^ there had been 
nothing in our life to touch the innermost 
fountain of feeling and devotion. We had 
had rumors of wars — even wars we had had, 



13 

not without sacrifices and glory — but noth- 
ing which went to the vital self-consciousness 
of the country, nothing which challenged 
the Nation's right to live. But in i860 the 
Nation was going down into the Valley of / 
Decision. The question which had been 
debated on thousands of platforms, which 
had been discussed in countless publications, 
which, thundered from innumerable pulpits, 
had caused in their congregations the bitter 
strife and dissension to which only cases of 
conscience can give rise, was everywhere 
pressing for solution. And not merely in 
the various channels of publicity was it alive 
and clamorous. About every fireside in the 
land, in the conversation of friends and 
neighbors, and, deeper still, in the secret 
of millions of human hearts, the battle of 
opinion was waging; and all men felt and 
saw — with more or less clearness — that an 
answer to the importunate question, Shall 



14 

the Nation live? was due, and not to be 
denied. And I do not mean that in the 
North alone there was this austere wrestling 
with conscience. In the South as well, 
below all the effervescence and excitement 
of a people perhaps more given to cloc[uent 
speech than we were, there was the profound 
agony of question and answer, the summons 
to decide whether honor and freedom did 
not call them to revolution and war. It 
is easy for partisanship to say that the 
one side was right and that the other was 
wrong. It is still easier for an indolent 
magnanimity to say that both were right. 
Perhaps in the wide view of ethics one is 
always right to follow his conscience, though 
it lead him to disaster and death. But 
history is inexorable. She takes no account 
of sentiment and intention; and in her cold 
and luminous eyes that side is right which 
fights in harmony with the stars in their 



15 

courses. The men are right through whose 
efforts and struggles the world is helped 
onward, and humanity moves to a higher 
level and a brighter day. 

The men who are living to-day and who 
were young in i860 will never forget the 
glory and glamour that filled the earth and 
the sky when the long twilight of doubt and 
uncertainty was ending and the time of action 
had come. A speech by Abraham Lincoln 
was an event not only of high moral signifi- 
cance, but of far-reaching importance; the 
drilling of a militia company b)- Ellsworth 
attracted national attention; the fluttering of 
the flag in the clear sky drew tears from the 
eyes of young men. Patriotism, which had 
been a rhetorical expression, became a pas- ' 
sionate emotion, in which instinct, logic, and 
feeling were fused. The country was worth 
saving; it could be saved only by fire; no 
sacrifice was too great; the young men of the 



i6 

country were ready for the sacrifice; come 
weal, come woe, they were ready. 

At seventeen years of age William 
McKiNLEV heard this summons of his coun- 
try. He was the sort of youth to whom a 
military life in ordinary times would possess 
no attractions. His nature was far different 
from that of the ordinary soldier. He had 
other dreams of life, its prizes and pleasures, 
than that of marches and battles. But to his 
mind there was no choice or question. The 
banner floating in the morning breeze was 
the beckoning gesture of his country. The 
thrilling notes of the trumpet called him — 
him and none other — -into the ranks. His 
portrait in his first uniform is familiar to 
you all— the short, stocky figure; the quiet, 
thoughtful face; the deep, dark eyes. It is 
the face of the lad who could not stay at 
home when he thought he was needed in the | 

field. He was of the stuff of which good 



17 

j 

soldiers are made. Had he been ten years 
older he would have entered at the head of 
a company and come out at the head of a 
division. But he did what he could. He 
enlisted as a private; he learned to obey. 
His serious, sensible ways, his prompt, alert 
efficiency soon attracted the attention of his 
superiors. He was so faithful in little things 
they gave him more and more to do. He 
was untiring in camp and on the march; 
swift, cool, and fearless in fight. He left 
the Army with field rank when the war 
ended, brevetted by President Lincoln for 
gallantry in battle. 

In coming years when men seek to draw 
the moral of our great civil war nothing will 
seem to them so admirable in all the history 
of our two magnificent armies as the way in 
which the war came to a close. When the 
Confederate army saw the time had come, 
they acknowledged the pitiless logic of facts, 



i8 

and ceased fighting. When the army of the 
Union saw it was no longer needed, without 
a murmur or question, making no terms, 
asking no return, in the flush of victoiy and 
fullness of might, it laid down its arms and 
melted back into the mass of peaceful citi- 
zens. There is no event, since the Nation 
was born, which has so proved its solid 
capacity for self-government. Both sections 
share equall)' in that crown of glory. They 
had held a debate of incomparable impor- 
tance and had fought it out with equal 
energy. A conclusion had been reached — 
and it is to the everlasting honor of both 
sides that they each knew when the war 
was over, and the hour of a lasting peace 
had struck. \Ye may admire the desperate 
daring of others who prefer annihilation to 
compromise, but the palm of common sense, 
and, I will say, of enlightened patriotism, 
belongs to the men like Grant and Lee, 



19 

who kne\A' when they had fought enough, 
for honor and for country. 

William McKinley, one of that sensi- 
ble million of men, gladly laid down his 
sword and betook himself to his books. He 
quickly made up the time lost in soldiering. 
He attacked his Blackstone as he would 
have done a hostile intrenchment; iinding 
the range of a country law library too nar- 
row, he went to the Albany Law School, 
where he worked energetically with Ijrilliant 
success; was admitted to the bar and settled 
down to practice — a brevetted veteran of 
twenty-four — in the quiet town of Canton, 
now and henceforward forever famous as 
the scene of his life and his place of sepul- 
ture. Here many blessings awaited him: 
high repute, professional success, and a 
domestic affection so pure, so devoted and 
stainless that future poets, seeking an ideal 
of Christian marriage, will find in it a theme 



20 



worthy of their songs. This is a subject to 

which the lightest allusion seems profanation; 

but it is impossible to speak of William 

i McKiNLEY without remembering that no 

I truer, tenderer knight to his chosen lady ever 

I lived among mortal men. If to the spirits 

of the just made perfect is permitted the 

consciousness of earthly things, we may be 

sure that his faithful soul is now watching 

over that gentle sufferer who counts the 

long hours in their shattered home in the 

desolate splendor of his fame. 

A man possessing the qualities with which 
nature had endowed McKinley seeks politi- 
cal activity as naturally as a growing plant 
seeks light and air. A wholesome ambition; 
a rare power of making friends and keeping 
them; a faith, which may be called religious, 
in his country and its institutions; and, 
flowing from this, a belief that a man could 
do no nobler work than to serve such a 



21 



count!")' — these were the elements in his 
character that drew him irresistibly into 
public life. He had from the beginning a 
remarkable equipment: a manner of singular 
grace and charm; a voice of ringing quality 
and great carrying power — \'ast as were the 
crowds that gathered about him, he reached 
their utmost fringe without apparent effort. 
He had an extraordinary power of marshal- 
ing and presenting significant facts, so as to 
bring conviction to the average mind. His 
range of reading was not wide; he read 
only what he might some day find useful, 
and what he read his memory held like 
brass. Those who knew him well in those 
early days can never forget the consummate 
skill and power with which he would select 
a few pointed facts, and, blow upon blow, 
would hammer them into the attention of, 
great assemblages in Ohio, as Jael drove j 
the nail into the head of the Canaanite / 



captain. He was not often impassioned; 
he rarely resorted to the aid of wit or 
humor; yet I never saw his equal in con- 
trolling and convincing a popular audience 
by sheer appeal to their reason and intelli- 
gence. He did not flatter or cajole them, 
but there was an implied compliment in 
the serious and sober tone in which he 
addressed them. He seemed one of them; 
in heart and feeling he was one of them. 
Each workingman in a great crowd might 
say: "That is the sort of man I would like to 
be, and under more favoring circumstances 
might have been." He had the divine gift of 
sympathy, which, though given only to the 
elect, makes all men their friends. 

So it came naturally about that in 1876 — 
the beginning of the second century of the 
Republic — he began, by an election to Con- 
gress, his political career. Thereafter for 
fourteen years this Chamber was his home. 



23 

I use the word advisedly. Nowhere in the 
world was he so in harmony with his envi- 
ronment as here; nowhere else did his mind 
work with such full consciousness of its 
powers. The air of debate was native to 
him; here he drank delight of battle with 
his peers. In after days, when he drove by 
this stately pile, or when on rare occasions 
his duty called him here, he greeted his old 
haunts with the affectionate zest of a child 
of the house; during all the last ten years of 
his life, filled as they were with activity and 
glory, he never ceased to be homesick for 
this Hall. When he came to the Presidency 
there was not a day when his Congressional j 
service was not of use to him. Probably no 
other President has been in such full and 
cordial communion with Congress, if we may 
except Lincoln alone. McKinley knew the 
legislative body thoroughly — its composition, 
its methods, its habits of thought. lie had 



24 

the profoundest respect for its authority and 
an inflexible belief in the ultimate rectitude 
of its judgments. Our history shows how 
surely an Executive courts disaster and ruin 
by assuming an attitude of hostility or dis- 
trust to the Legislature; and, on the other 
hand, McKinley's frank and sincere trust 
and confidence in Congress were repaid by 
prompt and loyal support and cooperation. 
During his entire term of office this mutual 
trust and regard — so essential to the public 
welfare — was never shadowed by a single 
cloud. 

He was a Republican. He could not be 
anything else. A Union soldier grafted upon 
a Clay Whig, he necessarily believed in the 
"American system" — in protection to home 
industries; in a strong, aggressive nationality; 
in a liberal construction of the Constitution. 
What any self-reliant nation might rightly 
do, he felt this Nation had power to do, if 



25 

required by the common welfare and not 
prohibited by our written charter. 

Following the natural bent of his mind, 
he devoted himself to questions of finance 
and revenue, to the essentials of the national 
housekeeping. He took high rank in the 
House from the beginning. His readiness 
in debate, his mastery of every subject he 
handled, the bright and amiable light he 
shed about him, and above all the unfailing 
courtesy and good will with which he treated 
friend and foe alike — one of the surest sig- 
natures of a nature born to great destinies — 
made his service in the House a pathway of 
unbroken success and brought him at last to 
the all-important post of chairman of Ways 
and Means and leader of the majority. Of 
the famous revenue act which, in that capac- 
ity, he framed and carried through Congress, 
it is not my purpose here and now to speak. 
The embers of the controversy in the midst 



26 



of which that law had its troubled being 
arc yet too warm to be handled on a day 
like this. I may only say that it was never 
sufficiently tested to prove the praises of 
its friends or the criticism of its opponents. 
After a brief existence it passed a\\ay, for a 
time, in the storm that swept the Republi- 
cans out of power. McKinley also passed 
through a brief zone of shadow, his Con- 
gressional district having been rearranged 
for that purpose by a hc^stile legislature. 

Someone has said it is easy to love our 
enemies; they help us so much more than 
our friends. The people whose malevolent 
skill had turned McKiNLEY out of Congress | 

deserved well of him and of the Republic. f 

Never was Nemesis more swift and ener- [■'. 

gctic. The Rc])ublicans of Ohio were sax'cd 
the trouble of choosing a governor — the ^ 

other side had chosen one f(-)r them. A year k 

after McKinley left Congress he was made 



27 

governor of Ohio, and two years later he was 
reelected, each time by majorities unhoped 
for and overwhelming. He came to fill a 
space in the public eye which obscured a 
great portion of the field of vision. In two 
national conventions the Presidency seemed 
within his reach. But he had gone there in 
the interest of others and his honor forbade 
any dalliance with temptation. So his nay 
was nay — delivered with a tone and gesture 
there was no denying. His hour was not 
yet come. 

There was, however, no long delay. He 
became, from year to year, the most prom- 
inent politician and orator in the country. 
Passionately devoted to the principles of his 
party, he was always ready to do anything, 
to go anywhere, to proclaim its ideas and to 
support its candidates. His face and his 
voice became familiar to millions of our peo- 
ple; and wherever they were seen and heard, 



28 

men became his partisans. His face was cast 
in a classic mold; you see faces like it in 
antique marble in the galleries of the Vatican 
and in the portraits t)f the great cardinal- 
statesmen of Italy; his voice was the voice 
of the perfect orator — ringing, vibrating, tire- 
less, persuading by its very sound, by its 
accent of sincere conviction. So prudent 
and so guarded were all his utterances, so 
lofty his courtesy, that he never embar- 
rassed his friends, and never offended his 
opponents. For several months before the 
Republican National Convention met in 1896, 
it was evident to all who had eyes to see 
that Mr. McKinley was the only probable 
candidate of his party. Other names were 
mentioned, of the highest rank in ability, 
character, and popularity; they were sup- 
ported b}- powerful combinations; but the 
nomination of AIcKinley as against the 
field was inevitable. 



29 

The campaign he made will be always 
memorable in our political annals. He and 
his friends had thought that the issue for the 
year was the distinctive and historic differ- 
ence between the two parties on the subject 
of the tariff. To this wager of battle the dis- 
cussions of the previous four years distinctly 
pointed. But no sooner had the two par- 
ties made their nominations than it became 
evident that the opposing candidate declined 
to accept the field of discussion chosen by the 
Republicans, and proposed to put forward as 
the main issue the free and unlimited coin- 
age of silver. McKinley at once accepted 
this challenge, and, taking the battle for 
protection as already won, went with energ)- 
into the discussion of the theories presented 
by his opponents. He had wisely concluded 
not to leave his home during the canvass, 
thus avoiding a proceeding which has always 
been of sinister augury in our politics; but 



30 

from the front porch of his modest house in 
Canton he daily addressed the delegations 
which came from every part of the coun- 
try to greet him in a series of speeches so 
strong, so varied, so pertinent, so full of facts 
briefly set forth, of theories embodied in a sin- 
gle phrase, that they formed the hourly text 
for the other speakers of his party, and give 
probably the most convincing proof we have 
of his surprising fertility of resource and flex- 
ibility of mind. All this was done without 
anxiety or strain. I remember a day I spent 
with him during that busy summer. He had 
made nineteen speeches the day before; that 
day he made many. But in the intervals of 
these addresses he sat in his study and 
talked, with nerves as quiet and a mind as 
free from care as if we had been spending j 

a holiday at the seaside or among the hills. 

When he came to the Presidency he i 

confronted a situation of the utmost difticulty, 



31 

which might well have appalled a man of less 
serene and tranquil self-confidence. There 
had been a state of profound commercial 
and industrial depression, from which his 
friends had said his election would relieve 
the countr}'. Our relations with the out- 
side world left much to be desired. The 
feeling between the Northern and Southern 
sections of the Union was lacking in the 
cordiality which was necessary to the wel- 
fare of both. Hawaii had asked for annexa- 
tion and had been rejected by the preceding 
Administration. There was a state of things 
in the Caribbean which could not perma- 
nently endure. Our neighbor's house was 
on fire, and there were grave doubts as to 
our rights and duties in the premises. A 
man either weak or rash, either irresolute 
or headstrong, might have brought ruin 
on himself and incalculable harm to the 
country. 



3'-J 

Again T crave the pardon of those who 
differ with nic, if, against all my intentions, I 
happen to say a word which may seem to 
them unbefitting the place and hour. But I 
am here to give the opinion which his friends 
entertained of President McKinley, of course 
claiming no immunity from criticism in what 
1 I shall say. I believe, then, that the verdict 
of history will be that he met all these grave 
questions with perfect valor and incomparable 
ability; that in grappling with them he rose to 
the full height of a great occasion, in a man- 
ner which redounded to the lasting benefit of 
the country and to his own immortal honor. 

The least desirable form of glory to a 
man of his habitual mood and temper — that 
of successful war — was nevertheless conferred 
upon him by uncontrollable events. He felt 
"the conflict must come; he deplored its ne- 
cessity; he strained almost to breaking his 
relations with his friends, in order, first, if it 



33 
might be, to prevent and then to postpone 
it to the latest possible moment. But when 
the die was cast, he labored with the utmost 
energy and ardor, and with an intelligence 
in military matters which showed how much 
of the soldier still survived in the mature 
statesman to push forward the war to a 
decisive close. War was an anguish to him; 
he wanted it short and conclusive. His mer- 
ciful zeal communicated itself to his sub- 
ordinates, and the war, so long dreaded, 
whose consequences were so momentous, 
ended in a hundred days. 

Mr. Stedman, the dean of our poets, has 
called him "Augmenter of the State." It is 
a noble title; if justly conferred, it ranks him 
among the few whose names may be placed : 
definitely and forever in charge of the historic 
Muse. Under his rule Hawaii has come to 
us, and Tutuila; Porto Rico and the vast 
archipelago of the East. Cuba is free. Our 



34 

position in the Caribbean is assured beyond 
the possibility of future question. The doc- 
trine called by the name of Monroe, so long 
derided and denied by alien publicists, evokes 
now no challenge or contradiction when 
uttered to the world. It has become an 
international truism. Our sister Republics to 
the south of us are convinced that we desire 
only their peace and prosperity, l^urope 
knows that we cherish no dreams but those 
of world-wide commerce, the benefit of which 
shall be to all nations. The state is aug- 
mented, but it threatens no nation under 
heaven. As to those regions which have 
come under the shadow of our flag, the pos- 
sibility of their being damaged by such a 
change of circumstances was in the view of 
McKiNLKY a thing unthinkable. To believe 
that we could not administer them to their 
advantage was to turn infidel to our Amer- 
ican faith of more than a hundred years. 



35 

In dealing with foreign powers, he will 
take rank with the greatest of our diploma- 
tists. It was a world of which he had little 
special knowledge before coming to the 
Presidency. But his marvelous adaptability 
was in nothing more remarkable than in 
the firm grasp he immediately displayed in 
international relations. In preparing for war 
and in the restoration of peace he was alike 
adroit, courteous, and far-sighted. When a 
sudden emergency declared itself, as in 
China, in a state of things of which our 
history furnished no precedent and interna- 
tional law no safe and certain precept, he 
hesitated not a moment to take the course 
marked out for him by considerations of 
humanity and the national interests. Even 
while the legations were fighting for their 
lives against bands of infuriated fanatics, he 
decided that we were at peace with China; 
and while that conclusion did not hinder 



36 
him from taking the most energetic meas- 
ures to rescue our imperiled citizens, it 
enabled him to maintain close and friendly 
relations with the wise and heroic viceroys 
of the South, whose resolute stand saved 
that ancient Empire from anarchy and spo- 
liation. He disposed of every question as 
it arose with a promptness and clarity of 
vision that astonished his advisers, and he 
never had occasion to review a judgment 
or reverse a decision. 

By patience, by firmness, by sheer rea- 
sonableness, he improved our understanding 
with all the great powers of the world, and 
rightly gained the blessing which belongs 
to the peacemakers. 

But the achievements of the Nation in 
war and diplomacy are thrown in the shade 
by the vast economic developments which 
took place during Mr. McKinley's Adminis- 
tration. Up to the time of his first election, 



2>7 

the country was suffering from a long period 
of depression, the reasons of which I will 
not ivy to seek. But from the moment the 
ballots were counted that betokened his 
advent to power a great and momentous 
movement in advance declared itself along 
all the lines of industry and commerce. In 
the very month of his inauguration steel 
rails began to be sold at eighteen dollars a 
ton — one of the most significant facts of 
modern times. It meant that American 
industries had adjusted themselves to the 
long depression; that through the power of 
the race to organize and combine, stimulated 
by the conditions then prevailing, and per- 
haps by the prospect of legislation favorable 
to industry, America had begun to undersell 
the rest of the world. The movement went 
on without ceasing. The President and his 
party kept the pledges of their platform 
and their canvass. The Dingley bill was 



38 

speedily framed and set in operation. All 
industries responded to the new stimulus 
and American trade set out on its new 
crusade, not to conquer the world, l)ut to 
trade with it on terms advantageous to all 
concerned. I will not weary you with statis- 
tics; but one or two words seem necessary 
to show how the acts of McKinley as 
President kept pace with his professions as 
candidate. His four years of administration 
were costly; we carried on a war which, 
though brief, was expensive. Although we 
borrowed two hundred millions and paid 
our own expenses, without asking for 
indemnity, the effective reduction of the debt 
now exceeds the total of the war bonds. 
We pay six millions less in interest than 
we did before the war and no bond of 
the United States yields the holder two per 
cent on its market \alue. So much for 
the Government credit; and we have five 



39 

hundred and forty-six millions of gross gold 
in the Treasury. 

But, coming to the development of our 
trade in the four McKinley years, we seem 
to be entering the realm of fable. In the 
last fiscal year our excess of exports over 
imports was six hundred and si.xty-four mil- 
lion five hundred and ninety-two thousand 
eight hundred and twenty-six dollars. In 
the last four years it was two billion three 
hundred and fifty-four million four hun- 
dred and forty-two thousand two hundred 
and thirteen dollars. These figures are so 
stupendous that they mean little to a care- 
less reader — but consider! The excess of 
exports over imports for the whole pre- 
ceding period from 1790 to 1897 — from 
Washington to McKinley — was only three 
hundred and fifty-six million eight hun- 
dred and eight thousand eight hundred 
and twenty-two dollars. 



,1 



i 



40 

The most extravagant promises made by 
the sanguine McKinley advocates five years 
ago are left out of sight by these sober facts. 
The "debtor Nation" has become the chief 
creditor Nation. The financial center of the 
world, which required thousands of years to 
journey from the Euphrates to the Thames 
and the Seine, seems passing to the Hudson 
between daybreak and dark. 

I will not waste your time by explaining 
that I do not invoke for any man the credit 
of this vast result. The captain can not 
claim that it is he who drives the mighty 
steamship over the tumbling billows of the 
trackless deep; but praise is justly due him 
if he has made the best of her tremendous 
powers, if he has read aright the currents 
of the sea and the lessons of the stars. 
And we should be ungrateful if in this 
hour of prodigious prosperity we should fail 
to remember that William McKinlk\' \vith 



41 
sublime faith foresaw it, with indomitable 
courage labored for it, put his whole heart 
and mind into the work of bringing it about; 
that it was his voice which, in dark hours, 
rang out, heralding the coming light, as over 
the twilight waters of the Nile the mystic cry 
of Memnon announced the dawn to Egypt, 
waking from sleep. 

Among the most agreeable incidents of 
the President's term of office were the two 
journeys he made to the South. The moral 
reunion of the sections — so long and so 
ardently desired by him — had been initiated 
by the Spanish war, when the veterans of 
both sides, and their sons, had marched 
shoulder to shoulder together under the 
same banner. The President in these jour- 
neys sought, with more than usual eloquence 
and pathos, to create a sentiment which 
should end forever the ancient feud. He 
was too good a politician to expect any 



42 

results in the way of votes in his favor, 
and he accomplished none. But for all that 
the good seed did not fall on barren 
ground. In the Avarm and chivalrous 
hearts of that generous people, the echo 
of his cordial and brotherly words will lin- 
ger long, and his name will be cherished 
in many a household where even yet the 
Lost Cause is worshipped. 

Mr. McKiNLEY was reelected by an over- 
whelming majority. There had been little 
doubt of the result among well-informed 
people; but when it was known, a profound 
feeling of relief and renewal of trust were 
evident among the leaders of capital and of 
industry, not only in this country, but every- 
where. They felt that the immediate future 
was secure, and that trade and commerce 
might safely push forward in every field of 
effort and enterprise. He inspired universal 
confidence, which is the lifeblood of the 



43 

commercial system of the world. It began 
frequently to be said that such a state of 
things ought to continue; one after another, 
men of prominence said that the President 
was his own best successor. He paid little [ 
attention to these suggestions until they were \ 
repeated by some of his nearest friends. ! 
Then he saw that one of the most cherished i 
traditions of our public life was in danger. 
The generation which has seen the proph- 
ecy of the Papal throne — No// videbis a////os 
Pety/ — twice contradicted by the longevity 
of holy men was in peril of forgetting the 
unwritten law of our Republic: Thou shalt 
not exceed the years of Washington. The 
President saw it was time to speak, and in 
his characteristic manner he spoke, briefly, 
but enough. Where the lightning strikes 
there is no need of iteration. From that 
hour, no one dreamed of doubting his pur- 
pose of retiring at the end of his second 



44 

term, and it will be long before another such 
lesson is required. 

He felt that the harvest time was come, 
to garner in the fruits of so much planting 
and culture, and he was determined that 
nothing he might do or say should be liable 
to the reproach of a personal interest. Let 
us say frankly he was a party man; he be- 
lieved the policies advocated by him and his 
friends counted for much in the country's 
progress and prosperity. He hoped in his 
second term to accomplish substantial results 
in the development and affirmation of those 
policies. I spent a day with him shortly 
before he started on his fateful journey to 
Buffalo. Never had I seen him higher in 
hope and patriotic confidence. He was as 
sure of the future of his country as the 
Psalmist who cried: "Glorious things are 
spoken of thee, thou City of God." He was 
gratified to the heart that we had arranged 



45 

a treaty which gave us a free hand in the 
Isthmus. In fancy he saw the canal already 
built and the argosies of the world passing 
through it in peace and amity. He saw in 
the immense evolution of American trade 
the fulfillment of all his dreams, the reward 
of all his labors. He was — I need not say — 
an ardent protectionist, never more sincere 
and devoted than during those last days of 
his life. He regarded reciprocity as the 
bulwark of protection^ — not a breach, but a 
fulfillment of the law. The treaties which 
for four years had been preparing under his 
personal supervision he regarded as ancillary 
to the general scheme. He was opposed to 
any revolutionary plan of change in the exist- 
ing legislation; he was careful to point out 
that everything he had done was in faithful 
compliance with the law itself 

In that mood of high hope, of generous 
expectation, he went to Buffalo, and there, on 



46 

the threshold of eternity, he delivered that 
memorable speech, worthy for its loftiness 
of tone, its blameless morality, its breadth 
of view, to be regarded as his testament to 
the Nation. Through all his pride of coun- 
try and his joy in its success, runs the note 
of solemn warning, as in Kipling's noble 
hymn: "Lest we forget." 

"Our capacity to produce has developed 
so enormously and our products have so 
multiplied that the problem of more markets 
requires our urgent and immediate attention. 
Only a broad and enlightened policy will 
keep what we have. No other policy will get 
more. In these times of marvelous business 
energy and gain we ought to be looking to 
the future, strengthening the weak places in 
our industrial and commercial systems, that 
we may be ready for any storm or strain. 

"By sensible trade arrangements which 
will not interrupt our home production we 



47 

shall extend the outlets for our increasing 
surplus. A system which provides a mutual 
exchange of commodities is manifestly essen- 
tial to the continued and healthful growth 
of our export trade. We must not repose 
in fancied security that we can forever sell 
everything and buy little or nothing. If 
such a thing were possible, it would not be 
best for us or for those with whom we 
deal. * * * Reciprocity is the natural 
outgrowth of our wonderful industrial de- 
velopment under the domestic policy now 
firmly established. * * * The period of 
exclusiveness is past. The expansion of 
our trade and commerce is the pressing 
problem. Commercial wars are unprofita- 
ble. A policy of good will and friendly 
trade relations will prevent reprisals. Reci- 
procity treaties are in harmony with the 
spirit of the times; measures of retaliation 
are not." 



48 

I wish I had time to read the whole of 
this wise and weighty speech; nothing I 
might say could give such a picture of the 
President's mind and character. His years 
of apprenticeship had been served. He 
stood that day past master of the art of 
statesmanship. He had nothing more to ask 
of the people. He owed them nothing but 
truth and faithful service. His mind and 
heart were purged of the temptations which 
beset all men engaged in the struggle to 
survive. In view of the revelation of his 
nature vouchsafed to us that day, and the 
fate which impended over him, we can only 
say in deep affection and solemn awe: 
"Blessed are the pure in heart, for they 
shall see God." Even for that vision he 
was not unworthy. 

He had not long to w-ait. The next day 
sped the bolt of doom, and for a week after — 
in an agony of dread broken by illusive 



49 

glimpses of hope that our prayers might 
be answered — the Nation waited for the 
end. Nothing in the glorious life that we 
saw gradually waning was more admirable 
and exemplary than its close. The gentle 
humanity of his words, when he saw his 
assailant in danger of summary vengeance: 
"Don't let them hurt him;" his chivalrous 
care that the news should be broken gently 
to his wife; the fine courtesy with which he 
apologized for the damage which his death 
would bring to the great exhibition; and the 
heroic resignation of his final words: "It is 
God's way. His will, not ours, be done" — 
were all the instinctive expressions of a 
nature so lofty and so pure that pride in 
its nobility at once softened and enhanced 
the Nation's sense of loss. The Republic 
grieved over such a son, but is proud for- 
ever of having produced him. After all, in 
spite of its tragic ending, his life was 



McK- 



50 

extraordinarily happy. He had, all his 
days, troops of friends, the cheer of fame 
and fruitful labor; and he became at last — 

"On fortune's crowning slope, 
The pillar of a people's hope, 
The center of a world's desire." 

He was fortunate even in his untimely 
death, for an event so tragical called the 
world imperatively to the immediate study of 
his life and character, and thus anticipated 
the sure praises of posterity. 

Every young and growing people has to 
meet, at moments, the problems of its des- 
tiny. Whether the question comes, as in 
Thebes, from a sphinx, symbol of the hostile 
forces of omnipotent nature, who punishes 
with instant death our failure to understand 
her meaning; or whether it comes, as in 
Jerusalem, from the Lord of Hosts, who 
commands the building of His temple, it 
comes always with the warning that the past 



51 

is past, and experience vain. "Your fathers, 
where are they? and the prophets, do they 
Hve forever?" The fathers are dead; the 
prophets are silent; the questions are new, 
and have no answer but in time. 

When the horny outside case which pro- 
tects the infancy of a chrysaHs nation sud- 
denly bursts, and, in a single abrupt shock, 
it finds itself floating on wings which had 
not existed before, whose strength it has 
never tested, among dangers it can not 
foresee and is without experience to meas- 
ure, every motion is a problem, and every 
hesitation may be an error. The past gives 
no clue to the future. The fathers, where 
are they? and the prophets, do they live 
forever? We are ourselves the fathers! We 
are ourselves the prophets! The questions 
that are put to us we must answer without 
delay, without help — for the sphinx allows 
no one to pass. 



52 

At such moments we may be humbly 
grateful to have had leaders simple in mind, 
clear in vision — as far as human vision can 
safely extend — penetrating in knowledge of 
men, supple and flexible under the strains 
and pressures of society, instinct with the 
energy of new life and untried strength, 
cautious, calm, and, above all, gifted in a 
supreme degree with the most surely vic- 
torious of all political virtues — the genius 
of infinite patience. 

The obvious elements which enter into 
the fame of a public man are few and by 
no means recondite. The man who fills a 
great station in a period of change; who 
leads his country successfully through a time 
of crisis; who, by his power of persuading 
and controlling others, has been able to 
command the best thought of his age, so 
as to leave his country in a moral or mate- 
rial condition in advance of where he found 



53 

it — such a man's position in history is 
secure. If, in addition to this, his written 
or spoken words possess the subtle quahty 
which carry them far and lodge them in 
men's hearts; and, more than all, if his 
utterances and actions, while informed with 
a lofty morality, are yet tinged with the 
glow of human sympathy, the fame of such 
a man will shine like a beacon through 
the mists of ages — an object of reverence, 
of imitation, and of love. It should be to 
us an occasion of solemn pride that in the 
three great crises of our history such a man 
was not denied us. The moral value to a 
nation of a renown such as Washington's 
and Lincoln's and McKinley's is beyond 
all computation. No loftier ideal can be 
held up to the emulation of ingenuous 
youth. With such examples we can not be 
wholly ignoble. Grateful as we may be for 
what they did, let us be still more grateful 



54 

for what they were. While our daily being, 
our public policies, still feel the influence 
of their work, let us pray that in our spir- 
its their lives may be voluble, calling us 
upward and onward. 

There is not one of us but feels prouder 
of his native land because the august figure 
of Washington presided over its beginnings; 
no one but vows it a tenderer love because 
Lincoln poured out his blood for it; no one 
but must feel his devotion for his country 
renewed and kindled when he remembers 
how McKiNLEY loved, revered, and served 
it, showed in his life how^ a citizen should 
live, and in his last hour taught us how a 
gentleman could die. 



APPENDIX 



55 



PROCEEDINGS IN THE HOUSE OF 
REPRESENTATIVES. 



Thursday, February 2^, igo2. 

The House met at twelve o'clock m. 

The Chaplain, Rev. Henry N. Couden, 
D. D., offered the following prayer: 

"We bless Thee, Almighty God, that our 
Nation will honor itself to-day in a memorial 
service to our late lamented and beloved 
President. May it teach us all the uncer- 
tainty of life and help us by good works to 
be prepared for that change which must come 
to us all. In the name of Christ our Lord. 
Amen." 

The Speaker laid before the House the 
concurrent resolution relating to the memo- 
rial service for the late President. 

McK 8 „ 



58 

The Clerk read as follows: 

"Whereas the melancholy event of the 
violent and tragic death of William Mc- 
KiNLEY, late President of the United States, 
having occurred during the recess of Con- 
gress, and the two Houses sharing in the 
general grief and desiring to manifest their 
sensibility upon the occasion of the public 
bereavement: Therefore, be it 

'•Resolved by the Hottse of Representatives 
[the Senate concurring), That the two Houses 
of Congress will assemble in the Hall of the 
House of Representatives on a day and hour 
fixed and announced by the joint committee, 
to wit, Thursday, February 27, 1902, and 
that in the presence of the two Houses there 
assembled an address upon the life and char- 
acter of William McKinley, late President 
of the United States, be pronounced by Hon. 
John Hay, and that the President of the 
Senate pro tempore and the Speaker of the 



59 

House of Representatives be requested to 
invite the President and ex-President of the 
United States, ex-Vice-Presidents, the heads 
of the several Departments, the Judges of the 
Supreme Court, the representatives of the for- 
eign Governments, the governors of the sev- 
eral States, the Lieutenant -General of the 
Army and the Admiral of the Navy, and such 
officers of the Army and Navy as have received 
the thanks of Congress who may then be at 
the seat of government, to be present on the 
occasion, and such others as may be sug- 
gested by the executive committee. 

"Resolved, That the President of the 
United States be requested to transmit a 
copy of these resolutions to Mrs. Ida S. 
McKinley, and to assure her of the profound 
sympathy of the two Houses of Congress 
for her deep personal affliction, and of their 
sincere condolence for the late national be- 
reavement." 



6o 

The following was the official programme 
of arrangements, prepared by the joint com- 
mittee of the two Houses: 

The Capitol will be closed on the morn- 
ing of the twenty-seventh day of February, 
1902, to all except members and officers of 
Congress. 

At ten o'clock the east door leading to 
the Rotunda will be opened to those to whom 
invitations have been extended under the 
joint resolution of Congress by the Presiding 
Officers of the two Houses, and to those 
holding tickets of admission to the galleries. 

The Hall of the House of Represent- 
atives will be opened for the admission of 
Representatives and to those who have invi- 
tations, who will be conducted to the seats 
assigned to them, as follows: 

The President and ex-President of the 
United States and special guests will be 
seated in front of the Speaker. 






6i 

The Chief Justice and Associate Justices 
of the Supreme Court will occupy seats next 
to the President and ex-President and spe- 
cial guests, on the right of the Speaker. 

The Cabinet officers, the Lieutenant-Gen- 
eral of the Army and the Admiral of the 
Navy, and the officers of the Army and Navy 
who, by name, have received the thanks of 
Congress will occupy seats on the left of the 
Speaker. 

The chief justices and judges of the Court 
of Claims and the chief justice and associate 
justices of the supreme court of the District 
of Columbia will occupy seats directly in the 
rear of the Supreme Court. 

The diplomatic corps will occupy the front 
row of seats. 

Ex -Vice- Presidents and Senators will 
occupy seats in the second, third, fourth, 
and fifth rows, on the east side of the main 
aisle. 



62 

Representatives will occupy seats on the 
west side of the main aisle and in the rear 
of the Senators on the east side. 

Commissioners of the District, governors 
of States and Territories, assistant heads of 
Departments, and invited guests will occupy 
seats in the rear of Representatives. 

The Executive gallery will be reserved 
exclusively for the families of the Supreme 
Court and the families of the Cabinet, and 
the invited guests of the President. Tickets 
thereto will be delivered to the secretary to 
the President. 

The diplomatic gallery will be reserved 
exclusively for the families of the members 
of the diplomatic corps. Tickets thereto will 
be delivered to the Secretary of State. 

The reporters' gallery will be reserved 
exclusively for the use of the reporters for the 
press. Tickets thereto will be delivered to 
the press committee. 



63 

The official reporters of the Senate and 
of the House will occupy the reporters' desk 
in front of the Clerk's table. 

The House of Representatives will be 
called to order by the Speaker at twelve 
o'clock. 

The Marine Band will be in attendance. 

The Senate will assemble at twelve 
o'clock, and immediately after prayer will 
proceed to the Hall of the House of Rep- 
resentatives. 

The diplomatic corps will meet at half 
past eleven o'clock in the Representatives' 
lobby, and be conducted by the Sergeant- 
at-Arms of the House to the seats assigned 
them. 

The President of the Senate will occupy 
the Speaker's chair. 

The Speaker of the House will occupy 
a seat at the left of the President of the 
Senate. 



64 

The Chaplains of the Senate and of the 
House will occupy seats next the Presid- 
ing Officers of their respective Houses. 

The chairmen of the joint committee of 
arrangements will occupy seats at the right 
and left of the Orator, and next to them 
will be seated the Secretary of the Senate 
and the Clerk of the House. 

The other officers of the Senate and of the 
House will occupy seats on the floor, at 
the right and left of the Speaker's platform. 
Prayer will be offered by the Rev. Henry 
N. Couden, D. D., Chaplain of the House of 
Representatives. 

The presiding officer will then present 
the Orator of the day. 

The benediction will be pronounced by 
the Rev. W. H. Milburn, Chaplain of the 

Senate. 

By reason of the limited capacity of 
the galleries the number of tickets is neces- 



65 
sarily restricted, and will be distributed as 
follows: 

To each Senator, Representative, and 
Delegate, two tickets. 

No person will be admitted to the Capitol 
except on presentation of a ticket, which will 
be good only for the place indicated. 

The Architect of the Capitol and the 
Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate and the 
Doorkeeper of the House are charged with 
the execution of these arrangements. 

J. B. FORAKER, 

C. H. Grosvenor, 

Chairmen Joint Committee. 

The Doorkeeper of the House of Repre- 
sentatives announced the President of the 
United States and his Cabinet, the President 
pyo tempore and the Senate, the Chief Jus- 
tice and Associate Justices of the Supreme 
Court, the Lieutenant-General of the Army, 



66 

the diplomatic corps, His Royal Highness 
Prince Henr}' of Prussia, and other invited 
guests. 

Hon. William P. Frye, President pro tem- 
pore of the Senate, called the two Houses to 
order. 

The Rev. Henr)^ N. Couden, D. D., 
Chaplain of the House of Representatives, 
offered the following prayer: 

"O Lord God and Father of us all, in 
whose all-encircling love we dwell, we lift up 
our hearts in gratitude to Thee for that wise 
and beneficent Providence which shaped 
and has guided the destiny of our Nation 
through all the vicissitudes of the past, and 
for that long line of illustrious men who, 
susceptible to that heavenly influence, gave 
their minds and hearts to the Nation's 
good, weaving their characters into its fibers, 
making it strong and great. We are here 



67 

in memory of one of her noblest sons, to 
whom no greater tribute can be rendered, 
except a Nation's tears, than this distin- 
guished presence. We respect him because 
he respected his country. We love him 
because he loved her people. We honor 
him because he honored and revered her 
sacred institutions and poured out his 
heart's blood for them. 

"God help us to cherish his memory in 
our hearts and emulate his virtues, that we 
may leave behind us a record well pleasing 
in Thy sight. We thank Thee for his life, 
for his services as a soldier, a citizen, and a 
statesman; we thank Thee that his country- 
men will build monuments in his memory, 
that historians will record his deeds, but 
above all we thank Thee for that monument 
more grand and imposing than the mind of 
man has yet conceived which he builded for 
himself and for that unwritten record which 



68 

Heaven alone can reveal. Yea, we bless 
Thee for his public life and inestimable 
services, but we are not unmindful of the 
beautiful example of his private life — warm 
in his friendships; a dutiful son; an affec- 
tionate brother; a tender, loving husband; 
'with malice toward none and charity for 
all.' A Christian, ever turning with faith 
and confidence to his God for strength and 
guidance; his life was clean, his work 
noble, his faith sublime, his death glorious. 
'Good-bye; good-bye, all. It is God's way; 
His will be done.' 

"Tenderly care, we beseech Thee, O God 
our Father, for his companion in her widow- 
hood, and bring her at last with him to 
dwell in Thy presence forever. Continue, we 
pray Thee, to care for us as a people, and 
bless all our righteous endeavors. Guide 
the lawmakers of our land, that good gov- 
ernment may more and more obtain. Let 



69 

Thy blessing descend in full measure upon 
our President and all his counselors, that 
the laws may be administered in justice and 
equity. Be a light and a guide to those 
who interpret and judge those laws. Bless 
our people everywhere, and keep us in peace 
with all the world. Let Thy kingdom come 
into all our hearts, and Thy will be done in 
all lives, that the name of Our Father may 
be hallowed in all the earth, through Jesus 
Christ our Lord. Amen." 

The President pro tempore of the Senate 
said: "It is now the agreeable duty of your 
presiding officer to present the Hon. John 
Hay, who has been selected by a committee 
of Congress to deliver the address on this 
occasion." 

Mr. Hay (who was greeted with hearty 
applause) delivered the memorial address. 



7° 

Upon its conclusion the Rev. W. H. Mil- 
burn, I). D., Chaplain of the Senate, pro- 
nounced the benediction, as follows: 

"The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, the 
love of God, and the fellowship of the Holy 
Ghost be with us all, now and ever. Amen." 

The President and his Cabinet, the Sen- 
ate, the Chief Justice and the Associate Jus- 
tices of the Supreme Court, the diplomatic 
corps, and other invited guests then retired. 






W 44 



Lu fw'y "04 



'4 
















^' V o°^\^-:>o /.y^/'-e. c°^^^^^°o >' . 
^"^^H. "^S^^ /% --^^ \ 






^0 V * 0.0' A- 










.'i 



.^'^ 









< • .0 «■ 






,0^ oO". 




















^^'' 

/ -r-^ 



.^^°- 




ri- J^"^iJCi>=' . ■ ■X.I' 

^^ -"°- ^°o /\v:^/^-^^ c°^l^^;>'^°o //:-■•-% .-^ •'"::%% Z.-^^,^/^-. 






/ . ^^'% '^s j%^ IW° . <^"\ '^s J^--. 



..V 



,\J v^ - . . « 






A 






^ ^>^^ 
















